Reminiscent of Austroasiatic synonyms like Old Khmersi(“male”) or MK words for "man, male" like *ʔŋsiil, *ensir, *kəsəy on the Malay Peninsula; Schuessler (2007) noted that foreign *-r sometimes left traces in OC initial complex. These relations, if, valid, would keep 士1 "bachelor, man, male" distinct from 士2 "servant, retainer, officer, scholar".
"take or give an office, serve", "servant", "retainer", "officer", "scholar"
Schuessler (2007) noted that one could naturally assume the semantic development "male > man > servant > to serve" in order to posit that 士1 "bachelor, man, male" is the same word as 士2 "servant, retainer, officer, scholar". Yet, the exopassive derivation 事 (OC *ʔsrɯs, *zrɯs) "assignment, affair, thing" and Tibeto-Burman counterparts demonstrated no association with "man, maleness"; & "male" hardly derives from "to serve".
Therefore, Schuessler derived these forms from 理 (OC *rɯʔ) "envoy, jail official, matchmaker" & proposed ultimate Austroasiatic origins. In terms of phonology, MC *dʐ- normally does not occur with *l- and *ʂ in an ST word-family, apparently confirming a non-ST provenance; however, MC *dʐ- here could go back to OC *s-r- (unlike MC *ʂ-, which is from OC *sr)
Subsequenly, Schuessler posited either relation to Austroasiatic or OC loan into Tibeto-Burman as Proto-Tibeto-Burman*ʔ-dzəj(“send on an errant”) (Matisoff, 2003), whence Burmese [script needed] (ca, “thing”) & Tibetanརྫས(rdzas, “thing, matter, object”) (Gong, 1999). Even so, Tibeto-Burman cognates of this etymon and 所 (suǒ) are difficult to distinguish.
Wú héngchǎn ér yǒu héngxīn zhě, wéi shì wéi néng. Ruò mín, zé wú héngchǎn, yīn wú héngxīn.[Pinyin]
They are only men of education (i.e., the shi), who, without a certain livelihood, are able to maintain a fixed heart. As to the people (i.e. lower commoners), if they have not a certain livelihood, it follows that they will not have a fixed heart.